MENSAGEIRO NA CADÊNCIA

--------- Rosa Amarela Heitor Villa-Lobos ----------- Olha a Rosa amarela, Rosa Tão Formosa, tão bela, Rosa Olha a Rosa amarela, Rosa Tão Formosa, tão bela, Rosa Iá-iá meu lenço, ô Iá-iá Para me enxugar, ô Iá-iá Esta despedida, ô Iá-iá Já me fez chorar, ô Iá-iá Composição: Heitor Villa-lobos ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------- ---------- LEVA MEU SAMBA (MENSAGEIRO) ------------- -------------- Cássia Eller - Na Cadência Do Samba ------------- Na Cadência do Samba (Ataulpho Alves, Matilde Alves, Paulo Gesta) ----------- Sei que vou morrer Não sei o dia Levarei saudades da Maria Sei que vou morrer Não sei a hora Levarei saudades da Aurora Quero morrer numa batucada de bamba Na cadência bonita do samba Mas o meu nome ninguém vai jogar na lama Diz o dito popular Morre o homem e fica a fama Eu quero morrer numa batucada de bamba Na cadência bonita do samba Quero morrer numa batucada de bamba Na cadência bonita do samba Diretor de vídeo: Pedro Inhaez Produtor de vídeo: Pedro Inhaez Produzido por Silvana Cardoso ***********************************************************************************

---------- A IMPORTÂNCIA DO AGORA ---------- A frase "O futuro já passou; o passado ainda não veio; o que existe é agora" traz uma abordagem interessante sobre a natureza do tempo e a importância do presente. Ela sugere que o futuro é algo que já ocorreu, pois, uma vez que chega ao presente, torna-se parte do passado. Por outro lado, o passado ainda não ocorreu, pois não podemos revivê-lo. Portanto, o único momento real e concreto é o presente, o "agora". Essa perspectiva enfatiza a importância de estar plenamente presente no momento atual, aproveitando-o ao máximo, em vez de se preocupar com o futuro ou lamentar o passado. Ela nos lembra que a vida acontece no presente, e é nele que devemos estar verdadeiramente presentes. ------------- ----------- llevar a cabo, no llevar acabo ----------- “….levar a cabo….” Até o professor Reinaldo Azevedo concorda que seria melhor levar a termo promessas. Binariamente, o tudo tende para o nada nos 2 e 30 de outubro, de quatro em quatro anos. Meu País (Ivan Lins). Eu queria, Eu queria. Nada será como antes (Milton). Cuidado (Jard’s). Charles (Ben). ------------ ----------- Na cadência do samba Novos Baianos ----------- “….Na levada da regência o presidente é bitransitivo….” Ataulfo e Mário eram transitivo direto ao levar o samba na cadência. Moraes e baianos levavam a batucada. Nos comícios de Vila Euclides, de que já não transitava direto. ----------

---------- Ataulfo Alves e suas pastoras, na década de 1940 ----------- Leva meu Samba Ano de Lançamento: 1941. Gênero: Samba. Compositores: Ataulfo Alves (1909-2069). Gravações Representativas: Ataulfo Alves & suas Pastoras; Blecaute; Elza Soares; Itamar Assumpção. Destaque Histórico: Primeiro grande sucesso como cantor, do compositor Ataulfo Alves. Letra de Leva meu Samba. Leva, meu samba Meu mensageiro Esse recado Para o meu amor primeiro Vai dizer que ela é a razão dos meus ais Não, não posso mais. Eu que pensava Que podia lhe esquecer Mas qual o quê Aumentou o meu sofrer Falou mais alto No meu peito uma saudade E para o caso não há força de vontade Aquele samba Foi pra ver se comovia o seu coração Onde eu dizia Vim buscar o meu perdão. Eu que pensava Que podia lhe esquecer Mas qual o quê Aumentou o meu sofrer Falou mais alto No meu peito uma saudade E para o caso não há força de vontade Aquele samba Foi pra ver se comovia o seu coração Onde eu dizia Vim buscar o meu perdão. Leva meu samba Meu mensageiro Esse recado Para o meu amor primeiro Vai dizer que ela é a razão dos meus ais Não, não posso mais Não, não posso mais Não, não posso mais Não, não posso mais Não, não posso mais… Para Ouvir: Versão de Ataulfo Alves. ----------- ------------ Versão de Elza Soares. ---------- ---------- https://cantodampb.com/leva-meu-samba-ataulfo-alves/ ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------- ----------- Você Passa, Eu Acho Graça (Ao Vivo No Rio De Janeiro / 1999) CasaDeSambaVEVO ***********************************************************************************

----------- The defence of Brazil’s democracy Behind the scenes,theBiden administration kept up pressure to deter election-rigging claims by Jair Bolsonaro, whose backers staged an insurrection in Brasília FT montage/AFP/Getty Images ----------- Amid widespread speculation that Bolsonaro would attempt to subvert the October vote, officials in the Biden administration quietly pressured politicians and generals to respect the result. By Michael Stott, Michael Pooler and Bryan Harris As Brazil prepared to hold a presidential election last October, many governments around the world viewed the vote with a mounting sense of foreboding. The far-right incumbent, Jair Bolsonaro, was openly flirting with subverting the country’s democracy. He attacked the electoral process, claiming that the electronic voting machines used in Brazil were unreliable and calling for a paper ballot instead. He constantly hinted at the risk of the election being stolen, echoing claims made by Donald Trump in the US. But in the end, Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva’s win in October was accepted without serious challenge by Bolsonaro and the veteran leftwing politician was inaugurated on January 1. The fact that the election was not seriously challenged is a testament to the strength of Brazil’s institutions. But it was also in part the result of a quiet, year-long pressure campaign by the US government to urge the country’s political and military leaders to respect and safeguard democracy, which has not been widely reported. The aim was to drum home two consistent messages to restive generals in Brazil and Bolsonaro’s close allies: Washington was neutral on the election result but would not stand for any attempt to question the voting process or the result. The Financial Times has spoken to six former or current US officials involved in the effort, as well as to several key Brazilian institutional figures, to piece together the story of how the Biden administration engaged in what one former top state department official calls a “very unusual” messaging campaign in the months leading up to the vote, using both public and private channels. All were at pains to underline that most of the credit for saving Brazil’s democracy in the face of Bolsonaro’s onslaught belongs to the Brazilians themselves and to their democratic institutions, which held firm in the face of extraordinary challenges from a president bent on retaining power. “It’s Brazilian institutions that really made sure that the elections took place,” says a senior US administration official. “What was important was that we conveyed the right messages and maintained policy discipline.” The US had a clear geopolitical incentive to want to demonstrate a capacity to shape events in the region. Long the dominant outside power in Latin America, its influence has eroded in recent years as China’s presence grows. The administration also had a more direct motivation. After the January 6 insurrection by Trump supporters at the Capitol in Washington attempting to overturn the results of the 2020 election, President Joe Biden felt very strongly about any attempt by Bolsonaro to question the outcome of a free and fair election, US officials say. The campaign was not without risk. The US has been frequently criticised in the region for interfering in its internal affairs; in 1964 Washington backed a military coup in Brazil that overthrew leftist president João Goulart and ushered in a 21-year dictatorship. Those events fuelled lasting scepticism of the US among the Brazilian left, including Lula, who in 2020 said Washington was “always behind” efforts to undermine democracy in the region. The Biden administration had to find a way to get its message across without the US becoming a political football in a fiercely contested election. The solution was a concerted but unannounced campaign across multiple branches of the US government, including the military, the CIA, the state department, the Pentagon and the White House. “This was a very unusual engagement,” says Michael McKinley, a former top state department official and ex-ambassador to Brazil. “It was almost a calendar year of strategy, being carried out with a very specific objective in mind, not to support one Brazilian candidate over another, but heavily focused on the [electoral] process, on making sure the process worked.” Supporting the electoral process The effort began, according to a former top state department official, Tom Shannon, with the visit of Biden’s national security adviser Jake Sullivan to Brazil in August 2021. An embassy statement said the visit “reaffirmed the longstanding strategic relationship between the US and Brazil” but Sullivan left his meeting worried, according to Shannon. “Sullivan and the team that went with him came away thinking that Bolsonaro was entirely capable of attempting to manipulate election results or deny them as [Donald] Trump had done,” says Shannon, who is also a the only nation in the world to collect and count votes entirely digitally. Now, Bolsonaro was suggesting the machines were prone to fraud. Alarmed US officials decided they needed to step up their messaging campaign. Bolsonaro, they reasoned, had drawn the international community into the voting machine controversy by calling the meeting and Washington needed to make its views even clearer. The next day, the US state department issued an unusual endorsement of the voting system, saying that “Brazil’s capable and time-tested electoral system and democratic institutions serve as a model for nations in the hemisphere and the world.” “The statement by the US was very important, especially for the military,” one top Brazilian official says. “They get equipment from the US and do training there, so having good relations with the US is very important for the Brazilian military . . . The statement was an antidote against military intervention.” A week later, US defence secretary Lloyd Austin, used a visit to a regional defence ministers’ meeting in Brasília to send a clear message. Military and security forces must be under “strong civilian control”, he said in a speech. In private, Austin and other officials spelled out to Brazil’s military the consequences of supporting any unconstitutional action, such as a coup. “There would be significant negative ramifications for the bilateral militaryto-military relationship if they were to do something and they needed to respect the outcome of the election”, a senior administration official says. Further reinforcement of the message to Brazil’s top brass came from General Laura Richardson, head of US Southern Command, during visits last September and in November 2021, officials said. CIA chief William Burns also came to meet Bolsonaro. “The secretary of defence, the head of the CIA, the national security adviser all visited in an election year,” says McKinley. “Is this usual? No, it’s not.” At the same time as the US was conducting its own messaging campaign, key figures in Brazil’s institutions were holding their own private meetings with military chiefs to try to persuade them to stay within the bounds of the constitution and raising the alarm abroad about the risks of a coup. Some of those involved have spoken to the FT, requesting anonymity because of the sensitivity of the discussions. Many still prefer to avoid any mention of their roles. A senior Brazilian official who was closely involved recalls that Bolsonaro’s navy minister, Admiral Almir Garnier Santos, was the most “difficult” of the military chiefs. “He was really tempted by more radical action,” says the official. former US ambassador to Brazil. “So there was a lot of thought put into how the United States could be supportive of the electoral process without appearing to be interfering. And that’s how it starts.” As election season began, Brazil was a political tinderbox. The country was profoundly divided between Bolsonaro, a former army captain, and Lula, a leftwing icon. The risks to Brazil’s democracy were clear in a country with a modern history of military dictatorship. Bolsonaro had lionised the regime that ran Brazil from 1964 to 1985, and in his first term had showered the armed forces and police with praise, raising their budgets and handing key government positions to serving military officers. Some generals were uncomfortable with Bolsonaro’s attempts to politicise an institution that had tried to stay out of politics since 1985 and were worried about the risks of the military stepping outside the constitution. Hamilton Mourão, Bolsonaro’s vice-president, was one of those. Shannon recalls a visit by Mourão to New York for a private lunch with investors last July, while tensions were running high. After batting away questions about the risks of a coup, repeating that he was confident Brazil’s armed forces were committed to democracy, Mourão entered a lift to leave. The former ambassador joined him and expressed his own concerns. “Mourão turned to me and he said, ‘I’m very worried too,’” he says. Mourão’s spokesman declined to comment. Electronic voting That month Bolsonaro formally launched his re-election bid. “The army”, he said, “is on our side.” A few days before the campaign announcement, the president redoubled efforts to cast doubt on the electoral process. He summoned about 70 ambassadors to a meeting in Brasília and made a presentation questioning the reliability of Brazil’s electronic voting system. The country helped pioneer electronic voting in 1996 and is --------- ‘It was almost a calendar year of strategy, with a very specific objective in mind’ ----------- ---------

---------- the only nation in the world to collect and count votes entirely digitally. Now, Bolsonaro was suggesting the machines were prone to fraud. Alarmed US officials decided they needed to step up their messaging campaign. Bolsonaro, they reasoned, had drawn the international community into the voting machine controversy by calling the meeting and Washington needed to make its views even clearer. The next day, the US state department issued an unusual endorsement of the voting system, saying that “Brazil’s capable and time-tested electoral system and democratic institutions serve as a model for nations in the hemisphere and the world.” “The statement by the US was very important, especially for the military,” one top Brazilian official says. “They get equipment from the US and do training there, so having good relations with the US is very important for the Brazilian military . . . The statement was an antidote against military intervention.” A week later, US defence secretary Lloyd Austin, used a visit to a regional defence ministers’ meeting in Brasília to send a clear message. Military and security forces must be under “strong civilian control”, he said in a speech. In private, Austin and other officials spelled out to Brazil’s military the consequences of supporting any unconstitutional action, such as a coup. “There would be significant negative ramifications for the bilateral militaryto-military relationship if they were to do something and they needed to respect the outcome of the election”, a senior administration official says. Further reinforcement of the message to Brazil’s top brass came from General Laura Richardson, head of US Southern Command, during visits last September and in November 2021, officials said. CIA chief William Burns also came to meet Bolsonaro. “The secretary of defence, the head of the CIA, the national security adviser all visited in an election year,” says McKinley. “Is this usual? No, it’s not.” At the same time as the US was conducting its own messaging campaign, key figures in Brazil’s institutions were holding their own private meetings with military chiefs to try to persuade them to stay within the bounds of the constitution and raising the alarm abroad about the risks of a coup. Some of those involved have spoken to the FT, requesting anonymity because of the sensitivity of the discussions. Many still prefer to avoid any mention of their roles. A senior Brazilian official who was closely involved recalls that Bolsonaro’s navy minister, Admiral Almir Garnier Santos, was the most “difficult” of the military chiefs. “He was really tempted by more radical action,” says the official --------- “So we had to do a whole lot of dissuasion work, the state department and the US military command said they would tear up the [military] agreements with Brazil, from training to other types of joint operations.” At a tense dinner in late August with military chiefs lasting until two in the morning, key civilian figures attempted to persuade them that the voting machines were not rigged against Bolsonaro and that they should respect the election. The timing was crucial: Bolsonaro was calling for mass demonstrations in his support on Brazil’s independence day, September 7. Garnier did not respond to requests for comment. Luís Roberto Barroso, a supreme court judge who at the time headed Brazil’s electoral court, says he also played a part in soliciting the statement from the US state department. “I asked [Douglas Koneff, then acting US ambassador to Brazil] a couple of ---------- times . . . for declarations about the integrity and credibility of our voting system and the importance of our democracy,” Barroso recalls. The US embassy declined to comment on details of confidential meetings held during the election period. Inner circle As the election neared, senior US officials believed that Bolsonaro also needed to hear from more voices within his own circle. They identified key lieutenants and political allies, not all of whom were happy about the president’s attempts to stay in power, to urge him to respect the results of the election. Arthur Lira, head of the lower house of congress, vice-president Mourão, Tarcísio Gomes de Freitas, Bolsonaro’s infrastructure minister, and Admiral Flávio Rocha, the secretary of strategic affairs in the presidency, were all conduits for US messages about the need to protect the integrity of the elections, according to those involved. US officials stayed in regular commu- --------- ‘The head of the CIA, the national security adviser [and] secretary of defence all visited in an election year. Is this usual? No, it’s not ---------- Above: Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva campaigns in São Paulo before the Brazilian election, which he went on to win by a narrow margin. Below left: tanks on the streets of Rio in 1964 after the military coup Victor R Caivano/AP; Bettmann/Getty Images ----------- nication with them and other key figures in the Bolsonaro government. “We got the sense that the people around Bolsonaro were urging him to do the right thing,” a senior administration official says. In the October 2 vote, no candidate won an overall majority. But after the run-off vote later that month, it became clear that Lula had scored a narrow yet unarguable victory. Several key Bolsonaro allies including de Freitas and Lira, quickly recognised the leftist’s win. “Within 24 hours they accepted the results of the second round,” McKinley says. “What a blow to anyone who was thinking there was room to challenge the results.” Shocked by the result, Bolsonaro disappeared from public view and did not concede, but reluctantly ordered officials to co-operate with a transfer of power. When Bolsonaro left Brazil for Florida two days before Lula was sworn in, the Americans, along with many Brazilians, breathed a sigh of relief. But the danger had not passed. On January 8, Bolsonaro supporters staged an insurrection in Brasília, storming congress, the supreme court and the presidential palace demanding military intervention. Brazil’s military did intervene within hours — but to quash the protests. More than 1,000 demonstrators were arrested. The US decided to make one last push in favour of respecting the election. Biden was in Mexico at the time of the insurrection for a North American leaders’ summit, and saw what was happening on the news. “He asked right then to speak with Lula,” says a senior administration official. Soon after, Canada, Mexico and the US issued a trilateral joint statement supporting Lula and Brazil. “It was a first of its kind for North America.” With the rioters arrested, the military under control and Lula in power, Brazil’s democracy appears to have survived the potential threat. For the Biden administration, relations with Brazil have improved but there has still been friction with the new government. Lula showed little public recognition of the US campaign to protect the election. His first official visit to Washington in February was a low-key affair lasting a day. His April visit to China was a three-day, two-city tour. A spokesperson for Lula insists that he talked in Washington about “defending democracy and threats from the extreme right” and that a longer trip to the US is being considered. “People here understand that there are going to be political differences,” says Shannon. “But there’s a tone of anger and resentment underlying all of this which really caught people by surprise. It’s as if he doesn’t know or doesn’t want to acknowledge what we did.” ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------- ----------- ----------- Mistério do Planeta Novos Baianos ----------- Vou mostrando como sou E vou sendo como posso Jogando meu corpo no mundo Andando por todos os cantos E pela lei natural dos encontros Eu deixo e recebo um tanto E passo aos olhos nus Ou vestidos de lunetas Passado, presente Participo sendo o mistério do planeta O tríplice mistério do stop Que eu passo por e sendo ele No que fica em cada um No que sigo o meu caminho E no ar que fez e assistiu Abra um parênteses, não esqueça Que independente disso Eu não passo de um malandro De um moleque do Brasil Que peço e dou esmolas Mas ando e penso sempre com mais de um Por isso ninguém vê minha sacola Composição: Moraes Moreira / Luis Galvão / Paulinho Boca de Cantor. https://www.letras.mus.br/os-novos-baianos/122202/#radio:os-novos-baianos --------------------------------------------------------------------------------