‘VICE’:
CUIDADO COM O HOMEM SILENCIOSO
“Cuidado com
o homem silencioso. Enquanto os outros falam, ele observa. Enquanto os outros
agem, ele planeia. E quando eles finalmente descansam… ele ataca”.
Melhor maquiagem e penteado
Border
Duas Rainhas
Vice (Vencedor)
Oscar
2019: a lista dos vencedores. Green Book: O Guia vence como Melhor Filme
Pantera Negra e Roma se destacaram com três
estatuetas cada. A surpresa da noite foi a escolha de Olivia Colman como melhor
atriz, dando o único prêmio ao líder de indicações da noite, A Favorita.
25/02/19
- 08h17 - Atualizado em 25/02/19 - 08h56
Estadão Conteúdo
Foram anunciados na cerimônia que começou domigno e
terminou no começo da madrugada , pelo horário de Brasília, os vencedores da
91ª edição do Oscar, o maior prêmio do cinema mundial. Este ano, os
filmes Roma, de Alfonso Cuarón, e A Favorita, de Yorgos
Lanthimos, lideravam as indicações com 10 para cada. O longa Green
Book: O Guia venceu na principal categoria, Melhor Filme.
A cerimônia, que este ano não teve um mestre de
cerimônias, começou com um show da banda Queen, acompanhada do cantor Adam
Lambert. O grupo fez uma homenagem ao longa que conta a sua história e a do
cantor Freddie Mercury, Bohemian Rhapsody. A cinebiografia, aliás, foi a
produção mais premiada da noite, com quatro conquistas (Melhor Ator, Melhor Mixagem
de Som, Melhor Edição de Som e Melhor Edição).
O filme Pantera Negra se destacou ao somar
três estatuetas (Melhor Design de Produção, Melhor Figurino e Melhor
Trilha Sonora). Roma também ganhou três (Melhor Filme em Língua
Estrangeira e o cineasta Alfonso Cuarón ganhou o prêmio pela Fotografia e seu
segundo Oscar de Melhor Diretor). A surpresa da noite foi para o prêmio de
melhor atriz. A favorita era Glenn Close, de A Esposa, que estava em sua
sétima indicação, sem nunca ter vencido. Mas venceu Olivia Colman, dando o
único prêmio ao líder de indicações da noite, A Favorita.
A seguir a lista completa de indicados e vencedores:
Melhor filme
Pantera Negra
Infiltrado na Klan
Bohemian Rhapsody
A Favorita
Green Book: O Guia (Vencedor)
Roma
Nasce Uma Estrela
Vice
Melhor diretor
Spike Lee, Infiltrado na Klan
Pawel Pawlikowski, Guerra Fria
Yorgos Lanthimos, A Favorita
Alfonso Cuarón, Roma (Vencedor)
Adam McKay, Vice
Melhor atriz
Yalitzia Aparicio, Roma
Glenn Close, A Esposa
Olivia Colman, A Favorita (Vencedora)
Lady Gaga, Nasce uma Estrela
Melissa McCarthy, Poderia Me Perdoar?
Melhor ator
Christian Bale, Vice
Bradley Cooper, Nasce uma Estrela
Willem Dafoe, No Portal da Eternidade
Rami
Malek, Bohemian Rhapsody (Vencedor)
Viggo Mortensen, Green Book: O Guia
Melhor atriz coadjuvante
Amy Adams, Vice
Marina de Tavira, Roma
Regina King, Se a Rua Beale
Falasse (Vencedora)
Emma Stone, A
Favorita
Rachel Weisz, A
Favorita
Melhor ator coadjuvante
Mahershala Ali, Green Book: O
Guia (Vencedor)
Adam Driver, Infiltrado na Klan
Sam Elliot, Nasce uma Estrela
Richard E.
Grant, Poderia Me Perdoar?
Sam
Rockwell, Vice
Melhor filme em língua estrangeira
Cafarnaum (Líbano)
Guerra Fria (Polônia)
Nunca Deixe de Lembrar (Alemanha)
Roma (México) [Vencedor]
Assunto de Família (Japão)
Melhor animação
Os Incríveis 2
Ilha de Cachorros
Mirai
Wifi Ralph: Quebrando a Internet
Homem-Aranha: No Aranhaverso (Vencedor)
Melhor roteiro
Deborah Davis e Tony McNamara, A Favorita
Paul Schrader, No Coração da Escuridão
Nick Vallelonga, Brian Currie e Peter Farrelly, Green
Book: O Guia (Vencedores)
Alfonso Cuarón, Roma
Adam McKay, Vice
Melhor roteiro adaptado
Joel Coen e Ethan Coen, A Balada de Buster
Scruggs
Spike Lee, David Rabinowitz, Charlie Wachtel e Kevin
Willmott, Infiltrado na Klan (Vencedores)
Nicole Holofcener e Jeff Whitty, Poderia Me
Perdoar?
Barry Jenkins, Se a Rua Beale Falasse
Bradley Cooper, Will Fetters e Eric Roth, Nasce
uma Estrela
Melhor canção original
All the
Stars (Mark Spears, Kendrick Lamar, Anthony Tiffith e Solana
Rowe), Pantera Negra
I’ll
Fight (Diane Warren), RBG
The Place Where
Lost Things Go (Marc Shaiman e Scott Wittman), O Retorno de Mary
Poppins
Shallow (Lady Gaga, Mark Ronson, Anthony
Rossomando e Andrew Wyatt), Nasce uma Estrela (Vencedor)
When a Cowboy
Trades His Spurs for Wings (David Rawlings e Gillian Welch), A Balada
de Buster Scruggs
Pantera Negra (Vencedor)
Infiltrado na Klan
O Retorno de Mary Poppins
Se a Rua Beale Falasse
Ilha de Cachorros
Melhor Fotografia
Guerra Fria
A Favorita
Nunca Deixe de Lembrar
Roma (Vencedor)
Nasce Uma Estrela
Melhor edição (montagem)
Infiltrado na Klan
Bohemian Rhapsody (Vencedor)
A Favorita
Green Book: O Guia
Vice
Melhor design de produção (direção de arte)
Pantera Negra (Vencedor)
A Favorita
O Primeiro Homem
O Retorno de Mary Poppins
Roma
Melhor figurino
A Balada de Buster Scruggs
Duas Rainhas
O Retorno de Mary Poppins
A Favorita
Pantera Negra (Vencedor)
Melhor maquiagem e penteado
Border
Duas Rainhas
Vice (Vencedor)
Melhor edição de som
Pantera Negra
Bohemian Rhapsody (Vencedor)
O Primeiro Homem
Um Lugar Silencioso
Roma
Melhor mixagem de som
Pantera Negra
Bohemian Rhapsody (Vencedor)
O Primeiro Homem
Roma
Nasce uma Estrela
Melhores efeitos visuais
Vingadores: Guerra Infinita
O Primeiro Homem (Vencedor)
Jogador Nº 1
Solo: Uma História Star Wars
Christopher Robin — Um Reencontro Inesquecível
Melhor documentário
Free
Solo (Vencedor)
Hale County This
Morning, This Evening
Minding the Gap
Of Fathers and
Sons
RBG
Melhor curta-metragem de documentário
Black
Sheep
End Game
Lifeboat
A Night At The
Garden
Period. End of
Sentence (Vencedor)
Melhor curta-metragem em live action
Detainment
Fauve
Marguerite
Mother
Skin (Vencedor)
Melhor curta-metragem de animação
Animal Behaviour
Bao (Vencedor)
Late Afternoon
One Small Step
Weekends
‘VICE’:
CUIDADO COM O HOMEM SILENCIOSO
Desde o momento em que estreou a nível
internacional, Vice foi considerado bastante polarizador, oscilando
entre o amor e o ódio dos críticos. Mesmo que o enredo não apele ao consenso, o
novo filme de Adam McKay destaca-se pela sua narrativa crua e
arrojada da vida de Dick Cheney, um dos vice-presidentes mais controversos
dos Estados Unidos da América.
Numa clara alusão a anteriores trabalhos de McKay,
em particular a The Big Short(em português, A Queda de Wall Street), Vice apresenta
ao espetador um minucioso retrato da intriga política norte-americana,
acentuando o “bom, o mau e o feio” de uma história ainda com repercussões nos
dias que correm.
Este forte candidato aos Oscars 2019 estreou a dia
14 de fevereiro nas salas de cinema portuguesas.
A distinta voz de Adam McKay
Vice serve-se de uma estética muito específica
para perpassar a sua mensagem primordial: dissecar as nuances de um discreto
político, evidenciando o alheamento público a muito do que se passa nos
bastidores governamentais.
O espetador aprende que sagrar neste ramo não passa
de um simples jogo. Qualquer um pode prosperar se definir uma tática, manusear
bem os seus trunfos e aproveitar oportunidades. Esta é, sem dúvida, a essência
de Dick Cheney como excelente jogador no retorcido monopólio político.
Fonte: NOS Audiovisuais
Posto isto, torna-se inevitável mencionar a joia da
coroa na produção de Vice: Christian Bale, ator que dá vida ao
conservador vice-presidente. A tarefa de exteriorizar uma personalidade tão
recatada e embrenhada nos seus próprios pensamentos não é fácil, mesmo para um
profissional de renome na área da representação. Contudo, Bale mostra-se à
altura, servindo-se de subtil linguagem corporal, numa mímica perfeita dos
maneirismos de Cheney. Do pequeno sorriso afetado à enunciação frásica serena,
o ator brinda-nos com uma atuação singular que transcende parecenças físicas,
expondo a verdadeira natureza autoritária do protagonista.
O restante elenco exibe, de igual modo, um ótimo
desempenho, com especial destaque para Steve Carrel, no papel
de Donald Rumsfeld, o irreverente e sagaz secretário de
defesa; Sam Rockwell, pela interpretação do ingénuo presidente George
W. Bush; e Amy Adams ao interpretar a obstinada segunda
dama Lynne Cheney.
Fonte: IMDB
Vice acaba apenas por pecar relativamente a
dúbias escolhas estilísticas, entre elas o desenrolar da ação às mãos de um
narrador incógnito. Por um lado, este elemento suscita um certo mistério,
proporcionando, também, vários momentos cómicos.
Por outro, força uma boa história a seguir direções
algo questionáveis. O melhor exemplo reside no facto de o narrador apresentar
vários desfechos para a mesma situação, com o intuito de reforçar a importância
da mais inócua ocorrência. Ainda que original, este efeito borboleta consegue
tornar-se constrangedor e desnecessário, com a transformação de naturais
diálogos em falsos versos de Shakespeare, sem nenhuma razão aparente.
Fonte: IMDB
Porém, o estilo peculiar de McKay é, na sua maioria,
satisfatório, ao tomar a forma de uma assertiva e polémica Ted Talk. Numa
época dominada pela desinformação, Vice é um necessário apelo ao
escrutínio político e à contestação da extrema liberdade conferida às figuras
de estado contemporâneas.
Dick Cheney, o vilão disfarçado
Muitos descrevem a caracterização de Cheney como
unidimensional, apesar da interpretação irrepreensível por parte de Christian
Bale. O político é, decerto, retratado como um mero vilão, que ascendeu
socialmente de forma oportunista e manipuladora. As escolhas, no mínimo,
duvidosas que este faz na qualidade de vice-presidente nunca são suavizadas,
muito pelo contrário.
Fonte: NOS Audiovisuais
No entanto, o filme oferece alguns momentos
abonatórios ao personagem, dotando-o de inesperada complexidade. A marcante
imagem de homem que protege a família acima de tudo confere algum dinamismo a
Cheney, fator que modera a dimensão pejorativa da obra.
Apesar de existir este cuidado em mostrar “dois
lados”, McKay não tem como objetivo pintar uma imagem equilibrada de
Cheney. Vice escolhe antes focar-se na ideia de “lobo em pele de
cordeiro”, iludido o suficiente para acreditar na validade das suas posições
políticas, argumentando que, graças a si, “inúmeras famílias podem dormir
descansadas à noite”.
A questão aqui é desmascarar o que está por trás
deste “altruísmo”. Será um líder nato que apenas queria proteger a nação? Ou um
perspicaz predador na perseguição da sua presa, não olhando a meios para
atingir os fins?
Fonte: NOS Audiovisuais
Tal conflito é ilustrado mediante inúmeras metáforas
visuais. No momento em que Cheney requisita a George Bush maior controlo
enquanto vice-presidente, a filmagem corta para um momento bem-sucedido de
pesca. Quando este descobre os benefícios da poderosa Unitary Executive
Theory, a cena é complementada com uma feroz perseguição animal.
Toda esta busca frutífera pelo poder e
reconhecimento possui, inevitavelmente, consequências nefastas, representadas
de maneira bastante peculiar: no coração do próprio Dick Cheney.
Fonte: NOS Audiovisuais
Poucos homens aguentariam a pressão de manipular um
chefe de estado ou persuadir o congresso a aprovar uma despropositada invasão
ao Iraque. Cheney não é exceção. Vice mostra-nos um vice-presidente
em decadência, afetado pelo condenável estilo de vida que leva. Os seus ataques
cardíacos acabam por personificar uma sádica justiça poética, que remata, de
forma magistral, toda a dimensão metafórica do filme.
Fonte: IMDB
Não é segredo que adaptações biográficas ao grande
ecrã primam por incoerências relativas à veracidade dos acontecimentos. Muito
dos diálogos são imaginados, o que provoca algumas dúvidas em relação ao rigor
na caracterização de Cheney. Todavia, o enredo é cativante, entretém o
espetador e não falha em “trocar por miúdos” complicada logística política,
tornando-a acessível à generalidade.
Mais uma vez nem tudo é o que parece
em Vice. Os malfeitores nem sempre têm mau aspeto, realizando
atividades ilícitas às claras. Por vezes, estes são comedidos homens de
negócios, com pouco controlo e demasiado poder à sua disposição. McKay deixa o
aviso:
“Cuidado com o homem silencioso. Enquanto os outros
falam, ele observa. Enquanto os outros agem, ele planeia. E quando eles
finalmente descansam… ele ataca”.
Título original: Vice
Realização: Adam McKay
Argumento: Adam
McKay
Elenco: Christian
Bale, Steve Carell, Sam Rockwell, Amy Adams
Género: Biografia, Comédia, Drama
Duração: 132 minutos
The Unitary Executive: Presidential Power from
Washington to Bush Paperback – September 28, 2012
by Steven
G. Calabresi (Author), Christopher S. Yoo (Author)
This book is the
first to undertake a detailed historical and legal examination of presidential
power and the theory of the unitary executive. This theory—that the
Constitution gives the president the power to remove and control all
policy-making subordinates in the executive branch—has been the subject of
heated debate since the Reagan years. To determine whether the Constitution
creates a strongly unitary executive, Steven G. Calabresi and Christopher
S. Yoo look at the actual practice of all forty-three presidential
administrations, from George Washington to George W. Bush. They argue that
all presidents have been committed proponents of the theory of the unitary
executive, and they explore the meaning and implications of this finding.
VICE Official Trailer (2018) Christian Bale, Amy Adams
Movie HD
VICE Official
Trailer (2018) Christian Bale, Amy Adams, Dick Cheney Biopic Movie HD © 2018 -
Annapurna Pictures
The Unitary Executive: Presidential Power from Washington
to Bush
STEVEN G.
CALABRESI
CHRISTOPHER S.
YOO
Copyright Date:
2008
Published
by: Yale University Press
Pages: 558
https://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctt1nq9nc
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Front Matter
Front Matter
(pp. i-vi)
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Table of Contents
Table of
Contents
(pp.
vii-x)
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Acknowledgments
Acknowledgments
(pp. xi-xiv)
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Part I An
Introduction to the Debate over the Unitary Executive
The Oldest Debate in Constitutional Law and Why It
Still Matters Today
The Oldest
Debate in Constitutional Law and Why It Still Matters Today
(pp. 3-9)
One of the
oldest and most venerable debates in U.S. constitutional law concerns the scope
of the president’s power to remove subordinates in the executive branch or to
direct their actions. This debate over whether to have a unitary executive
arose during the Philadelphia Convention that drafted the Constitution, and it
flared into a huge public controversy in the so-called Decision of 1789 during
the First Congress. Proponents of presidential power argued then and argue now
that the Constitution gives and ought to give all of the executive power to
one, and only one, person: the president of the United...
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The Modern Debate
The Modern
Debate
(pp.
10-21)
The debate over
the unitary executive is simultaneously one of our oldest, most venerable
constitutional debates and one of our most modern. Ratification of the
Constitution and the Decision of 1789 did not end the controversy over the
unitary executive and the president’s ability to control the actions of his
subordinates in the executive branch. Disputes over whether Congress could
limit the president’s removal power continued to arise, often intertwined with
the biggest and most controversial political battles of the day. The issue
arose with increasing frequency throughout the twentieth century, as the
federal bureaucracy ballooned in size and presidents...
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Why Presidential Views of the Scope of Presidential
Power Matter
Why Presidential
Views of the Scope of Presidential Power Matter
(pp.
22-29)
One important
ground on which our book might be criticized is that it is entirely predictable
that all forty-three presidents would favor a broad understanding of
presidential power. According to this criticism, a survey of the practice since
the founding should focus on the statutes enacted by Congress and not on presidential
understandings of the scope of presidential power. The president, it might be
charged, is inherently biased when it comes to questions about the scope of
presidential power.
The first thing
to say in rebuttal is that the same claims of bias can be raised against the
alternative methodology...
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The Preratification Origins of the Unitary Executive
Debate and the Decision of 1789
The
Preratification Origins of the Unitary Executive Debate and the Decision of
1789
(pp.
30-36)
Before
proceeding to our chronicle of the past 218 years of practice under our
Constitution, we wish briefly to summarize the historical events between
American independence in 1776 and the Constitutional Convention in 1787 that
gave rise to Article II in order to understand the construction that presidents
from Washington to Bush have given to Article II over our entire history. Thus,
we conclude this introductory part of our book by discussing the eleven years
during which the structure of our government gestated as well as the key events
in 1789 when Article II first came to be construed as...
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Part II The
Unitary Executive During the Early Years of the Republic, 1787–1837
[Part II Introduction]
[Part II
Introduction]
(pp.
37-38)
The first
half-century of the Republic was a key time in the growth of our constitutional
system. Informed by their frustration with the system of “executive by
committee” used by the Articles of Confederation, the framers specifically
considered and rejected proposals to divide the executive power among multiple
presidents. Some of the proposals that were rejected would have divided the
executive power between the president and a council of revision or a council of
state. The framers clearly opted instead for an independent, coequal, and
strongly unitary executive branch of government. Thus, it is generally conceded
that “no one denies...
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1 George Washington
1 George
Washington
(pp.
39-57)
George
Washington’s strong support for the unitary executive grew out of events that
occurred long before he became the first president of the United States. In
particular, Washington’s views on the subject were greatly shaped by his
experiences during the Revolutionary War, when several committees of the
Continental Congress served as the army’s plural executive head. These
ineffective multiple committees led Washington to plead throughout the war for
creation of a single executive structure that would have the power and the duty
to “act with dispatch and energy,” and to complain repeatedly about “the
inconvenience of depending upon a number...
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2 John Adams
2 John Adams
(pp.
58-63)
President John
Adams was strongly committed to the theory of the unitary executive. Leonard
White describes Adams as being “an uncompromising friend of the executive, on
theoretical as well as practical grounds.”¹ Thus, in 1776, Adams warned that
“the executive power cannot be well managed” by plural bodies like legislatures
“for want of two essential qualities, secrecy and dispatch.”² Adams also
supported shifting executive authority from the Continental Congress to
departments headed by single executives, which would give the departments “an
order, a constancy, and an activity which could never be expected from a
committee of congress.”³ Adams noted in...
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this Item
3 Thomas Jefferson
3 Thomas
Jefferson
(pp.
64-76)
Thomas
Jefferson’s first reaction to the office of the presidency as described in the
text of the proposed Constitution of 1787 was one of horror. Jefferson wrote
that the newly proposed “President seems a bad edition of a Polish King. He may
be reelected from 4 years to 4 years for life. . . . When one or two
generations shall have proved that this is an office for life, it becomes on
every succession worthy of intrigue, of bribery, of force, and even of foreign
interference.”¹ Thus, in 1787, Jefferson shared much of the widespread view of
the Anti-Federalists...
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4 James Madison
4 James Madison
(pp.
77-82)
James Madison
was, along with James Wilson, one of the key architects of the presidency at
the Constitutional Convention, and he was a vigorous advocate both of a strong
presidency and of the view that the Constitution gave the president the removal
power. Madison had favored the Virginia Plan at the Philadelphia Convention,
under which both houses of Congress were to be apportioned by population, and
he was an ardent nationalist in the 1780s. Accordingly, he was loath to expand
the prerogatives of the Senate either over removals or over appointments to
fill the vacancies thus created, since the Senate...
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5 James Monroe
5 James Monroe
(pp.
83-90)
James Monroe proved
to be a stronger president than James Madison, although he lacked the
charismatic personality and leadership abilities of Thomas Jefferson. He too
proved to be a committed believer in the vital importance of a unitary
executive structure, but regrettably he did not always act on his beliefs.
Monroe’s support
for the unitary executive and for the importance of administrative hierarchy
became evident long before he assumed the presidency. In a letter to
Congressman Adam Seybert regarding the Patent Office written in 1812 while
Monroe was serving as secretary of state, the future president wrote: “I have
always...
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6 John Quincy Adams
6 John Quincy
Adams
(pp.
91-94)
John Quincy
Adams was, like his father, a strong believer in the value of a hierarchical,
unitary executive branch. Thus, Adams was (as Leonard White puts it) “temperamentally
a man to restore the presidency to its original high estate.” As White
elaborates, “The last of the Jeffersonians in the White House, John Quincy
Adams, was in truth more nearly a Federalist than a Republican. His political
doctrines resembled those of Alexander Hamilton, and his ideals of
administration were those of George Washington and his father, John Adams.”¹
Adams’s support
for executive unitariness surfaced long before he entered the White House....
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7 Andrew Jackson
7 Andrew Jackson
(pp.
95-104)
Andrew Jackson
was one of the most powerful presidents in American history, and he clearly
transformed and enhanced many aspects of the high office he held. In his
development of the president’s role as the leader of a political party and in
the force with which he pressed the president’s claim to be a direct
representative of the people, Jackson clearly broke new ground. He also
distinguished himself in the vigor with which he used the veto power,
especially in cases where he disapproved of bills on policy grounds rather than
for constitutional reasons. Finally, he used the president’s removal...
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CASE STUDY 1 Jackson’s Battle with the Bank and the
Removal of Treasury Secretary Duane
CASE STUDY 1
Jackson’s Battle with the Bank and the Removal of Treasury Secretary Duane
(pp.
105-122)
The conflict
between Andrew Jackson and Congress over the second Bank of the United States
began in 1832 when, in what is now widely perceived as a blunder, the bank’s
president, Nicholas Biddle, pressed for its recharter four years before its
initial charter was to expire. Jackson hated the bank with an almost irrational
vehemence, describing it at times as a hydra-headed monster that impaired the
morals of the American people, corrupted their leaders, and threatened their
liberty. Jackson took the recharter proposal both as a challenge to his
independence and as an indication of the bank’s intention to meddle...
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Part III The
Unitary Executive During the Jacksonian Period, 1837–1861
8 Martin Van Buren
8 Martin Van
Buren
(pp.
124-129)
President Martin
Van Buren was generally a loyal follower and implementer of Jackson’s views,
which is significant given Jackson’s enthusiastic embrace of the theory of the
unitary executive during the Bank War. Van Buren’s biographer Major L. Wilson
describes Van Buren’s close affinity with Jackson as follows: “In a public
letter accepting the nomination of the Democratic party to succeed Andrew
Jackson as president, Martin Van Buren pictured himself ‘the honored
instrument’ of the administration party and vowed ‘to tread generally in the
footsteps of President Jackson.’ Friends welcomed the statement as a pledge to
defend the work of Jackson....
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9 William Henry Harrison
9 William Henry
Harrison
(pp.
130-132)
The Whig
presidency of William Henry Harrison saw the same aggressive defense of
executive power that is often associated with the Jacksonian Democrats. This
was surprising, since the Whig Party’s self-proclaimed raison d’être was belief
in a limited and weak executive branch. Indeed, in correspondence prior to his
election as president, Harrison had endorsed a program that would confine
presidential service to a single term, establish a Treasury independent of
presidential control, and strictly limit the use of the veto power.¹ Many
observers had assumed that the election of Harrison would mark a sharp reversal
in the president’s position with...
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10 John Tyler
10 John Tyler
(pp.
133-138)
William Henry
Harrison’s untimely demise, just a month into his term as president, thrust
Vice President John Tyler into the presidency. Tyler’s accession to chief
executive dismayed Whig leaders in Congress. Despite Harrison’s apostasy in
many areas of Whig presidential doctrine, most congressional Whigs accepted him
as a “birthright” Whig whose other party loyalties were basically secure.
Tyler, a traditional states’ rights Democrat who had joined the Whig ticket in
the spirit of anti-Jackson coalition, did not inspire similar confidence among
the Whigs.
Doubts about
Tyler added to general Whig hostility to presidential power. Many congressional
Whig leaders immediately attempted...
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11 James K. Polk
11 James K. Polk
(pp.
139-143)
Presidential
support for the unitary theory of the executive branch did not waver when the
Jacksonian Democrats returned to power under James K. Polk. A Jacksonian
Democrat from Tennessee, Polk was often called “Young Hickory,” and his
assertive philosophy of presidential power mirrored that of his colloquial
namesake, Andrew Jackson. Polk’s biographer Paul Bergeron reports that “Polk
did not conform to the Whiggish notions about weak or limited presidents who
yielded to a vigorous and dominant legislative branch. Imitating the model
established by his mentor, Andrew Jackson, Polk set out to dominate the
nation’s capital in just about every respect...
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12 Zachary Taylor
12 Zachary
Taylor
(pp.
144-147)
Zachary Taylor
was a genuine war hero in the mold of Presidents George Washington, Andrew
Jackson, and William Henry Harrison. He was selected as the Whig candidate for
president because, like Harrison, he was a former general. Unfortunately for
the Whigs, who elected only these two presidents, Taylor, like Harrison, was to
die in office. Taylor’s term in office lasted only sixteen months, from March
4, 1849, to July 9, 1850.
Taylor had some
genuinely Whiggish ideas about the presidency and presidential power. A
supportive newspaper once went so far as to say, “Taylor . . . had taken
office...
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13 Millard Fillmore
13 Millard
Fillmore
(pp.
148-151)
Vice President
Millard Fillmore succeeded Zachary Taylor as president on July 10, 1850, and
like John Tyler, he immediately assumed the title of president (rather than
acting president) and proceeded to exercise the full powers of the presidential
office. Today, Fillmore is remembered as one of America’s most forgettable
presidents, but he was by no means a cipher while in office. Fillmore’s
biographer Elbert Smith reports, “Millard Fillmore was neither quarrelsome nor
vindictive by nature, but his bland exterior and impeccable manners concealed a
fighting spirit in its own way just as tough as that of Zachary Taylor.
Fillmore had...
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14 Franklin Pierce
14 Franklin
Pierce
(pp.
152-156)
Franklin Pierce
and his successor, James Buchanan, were two of the worst presidents in American
history. Pierce was totally dominated by his Southern cabinet members,
especially his vocal and very visible secretary of war and future president of
the Confederacy, Jefferson Davis. “The result was government by cabinet,” a
disastrous result except with respect to foreign policy, where the able
secretary of state, William Marcy, was able to rescue a few limited successes.¹
Notwithstanding
his weaknesses both as a man and as president, Pierce was a committed
Jacksonian who, as a matter of political philosophy, subscribed to the broad
views...
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15 James Buchanan
15 James
Buchanan
(pp.
157-162)
James Buchanan,
our worst president, came to the presidency with a well-established reputation
as a defender of the president’s authority to execute the law. He had defended
the president’s veto power on Jacksonian grounds and had personally drafted the
Democratic response to Whig assertions of limited executive power as a Democrat
in the Senate during the Tyler administration. Indeed, it was Buchanan’s
writings during the 1840s that effectively served as the last word on the
question of presidential power to veto legislation at will.¹
Buchanan’s
administration got off to a horrible start, according to his biographer Elbert
Smith, when the...
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Part IV The
Unitary Executive During the Civil War, 1861–1869
[Part IV Introduction]
[Part IV
Introduction]
(pp.
163-164)
Buchanan’s
refusal to oppose the rebellion of the Southern states set the stage for the
climactic event of the first century of our nation’s history: the Civil War.
Struggles over the balance of power between the president and Congress emerged
as an important undercurrent that ran throughout the war. The desperation of
the times led Abraham Lincoln to assert and Congress to tolerate an
unprecedented degree of concentration of power in the chief executive. The
result was that Lincoln led and Andrew Johnson inherited perhaps the strongest
presidency in our nation’s history.
In fact, the
unique nature of the Civil...
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16
Abraham Lincoln
16 Abraham Lincoln
(pp.
165-173)
If James
Buchanan was one of the nation’s worst presidents, then Abraham Lincoln was one
of its best. Lincoln’s administration clearly represented the zenith of
presidential power during the first century under the Constitution. The
exigencies of the Civil War demanded that Lincoln wield a range of powers the
likes of which the country had never before witnessed, and many of his enemies
accused him of taking on dictatorial or tyrannical powers. Lincoln’s strong
presidency is ironic because he began his political career as a Whig and, like
most Whigs in the 1840s and 1850s, he had been opposed to...
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17 Andrew Johnson
17 Andrew
Johnson
(pp.
174-178)
Abraham Lincoln
was succeeded by one of our worst presidents, Andrew Johnson of Tennessee.
Johnson was one of only two presidents to be impeached, and, as we indicate
below, his sabotage of congressional Reconstruction warranted his impeachment
and removal. However, Johnson’s actual impeachment was based on his violation
of the unconstitutional Tenure of Office Act, which illegally sought to limit
the president’s removal power. Johnson’s acquittal (by one vote) on this charge
was due to his strong defense of the unitary executive and to several senators
who agreed with this defense. Importantly, Johnson promised key senators that,
if acquitted, he...
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CASE STUDY 2 The Tenure of Office Act and the
Impeachment of Andrew Johnson
CASE STUDY 2 The
Tenure of Office Act and the Impeachment of Andrew Johnson
(pp.
179-188)
The most
sweeping limitation placed on President Johnson’s removal power was the Tenure
of Office Act. Passed during the winter of 1867 along with the First Military
Reconstruction Act, the Tenure of Office Act specifically provided that all
civil officers appointed with the advice and consent of the Senate would hold
office until their successors were confirmed by the Senate. If the Senate was
in recess, the president was permitted to suspend an executive officer so long
as he reported the reasons for the suspension to the Senate within twenty days
of its return to session. If the Senate failed...
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Part V The
Unitary Executive During the Gilded Age, 1869–1889
18 Ulysses S. Grant
18 Ulysses S.
Grant
(pp.
190-195)
Ulysses S. Grant
was the only president to serve eight consecutive years in the White House
between the terms of Andrew Jackson and Woodrow Wilson. He became president
after having served as general in chief for the entire Johnson administration,
a position that allowed Grant to play a major administrative role in
determining the course of Reconstruction. Indeed, it could be said that after
Abraham Lincoln was shot in the waning days of the Civil War, it was Grant who
held things together, received the surrender of the Confederate forces,
demobilized the Union Army, and presided over Reconstruction.
Grant
immediately...
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19 Rutherford B. Hayes
19 Rutherford B.
Hayes
(pp.
196-202)
Rutherford B.
Hayes became president in 1877, when the power of the Republican Party was at a
low point. This ebbing of the tide of Republican power was reflected in the
presidential election of 1876, in which Hayes decisively lost the popular vote
contest to Democrat Samuel Tilden, but was awarded the presidency by a special
Electoral Commission that concluded he had won in the Electoral College. After
the Electoral Commission had awarded him the presidency, Hayes set about
picking a cabinet and, astonishingly under the circumstances, resolved to do
this completely independent of Congress. As Leonard White reports, “Powerful...
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20 James A. Garfield
20 James A.
Garfield
(pp.
203-205)
James A.
Garfield was elected to the House of Representatives in 1862, where he served
as a Radical Republican member until his election to the presidency. While in
the House, Garfield exhibited an unsurprising pro-Congress bias. He favored a
proposal to give department heads seats in Congress in order to rein in the
executive branch. And in 1869, when Grant pushed a bill that would have
repealed the Tenure of Office Act through the House of Representatives,
Garfield opposed it: “Never by my vote shall Congress give up the
constitutional principle and allow to any one man, be he an...
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21 Chester A. Arthur
21 Chester A.
Arthur
(pp.
206-208)
Vice President
Chester A. Arthur had been placed on the Republican ticket in 1880 to create
sectional and ideological balance. There was little in Arthur’s “background to
prepare him for executive leadership.”¹ As we noted in chapter 19, from 1871
until his dismissal in 1878, Arthur had been the spoilsman collector of the
port of New York, a post in which he had been found by the Jay Commission to be
notoriously corrupt. Worst of all, his administration was hamstrung by the fact
that he assumed the presidency without having been elected to it.
The beginning of
Arthur’s administration showed...
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22 Grover Cleveland’s First Term
22 Grover
Cleveland’s First Term
(pp.
209-216)
As president,
Grover Cleveland pledged public allegiance to “a Whiggish version of the
presidency—the chief executive restricted to administrative duties and abjuring
a role in the legislative process”—but in his heart he was “nostalgic for the
Jacksonian past,” as Cleveland biographer Richard E. Welch Jr. puts it.
Cleveland’s “political heroes” were Jefferson and Jackson, and like Jackson, he
believed the president, with his unique national constituency, was “the
people’s tribune.” He particularly admired Jackson’s “presidential independence
and the authority of the righteous executive in contest with mischievous
senators.” Cleveland’s Jacksonian pedigree suggests his belief in the
untrammeled importance...
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Part VI The Unitary
Executive During the Rise of the Administrative State, 1889–1945
[Part VI Introduction]
[Part VI
Introduction]
(pp.
217-218)
We now examine
the presidencies during the third half-century of our constitutional history,
beginning with Benjamin Harrison and ending with Franklin Delano Roosevelt. In
the process, we offer an extended analysis of FDR’s failed attempt in 1937 and
1938 to implement the Brownlow Committee’s proposal to reorganize the executive
branch, an event that is typically acknowledged as the next key battle between
the president and Congress over control of the execution of the law after the
fight over the Tenure of Office Act.¹
In many ways,
this period represents the crux of the debate over whether our history under
the...
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23 Benjamin Harrison
23 Benjamin
Harrison
(pp.
219-225)
When in 1889
Benjamin Harrison became the first and only grandson of a president to be
elected to the presidency, many Americans were uncertain how much to expect
from him. He had been selected by the Electoral College after losing the
popular vote to Grover Cleveland. Moreover, Harrison had had only a short
career in national politics before assuming the presidency.
Any doubts about
Harrison’s willingness to take responsibility for executing the law would prove
short lived. As his biographers Homer Socolofsky and Allan Spetter report,
“Benjamin Harrison lacked experience as an administrator and had had only six
years in...
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24 Grover Cleveland’s Second Term
24 Grover
Cleveland’s Second Term
(pp.
226-231)
The presidential
election of 1892 represented the first contest between candidates who had both
seen presidential service at the time of the election. Richard Welch emphasizes
that Grover Cleveland was “a latter day Jacksonian” who wished to be seen as
the tribune of the people. Cleveland appreciated that the American public was
weary of the personal quarrels and bickering that had characterized American
politics since the Civil War and would look with favor upon a candidate and a
president who appeared to stand tall and independent, an example of rugged
individualism and political courage. He was “well aware that only...
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25 William McKinley
25 William
McKinley
(pp.
232-237)
William McKinley
became president in 1897 after having been elected as the candidate of the
Republican Party—a party torn between its Whiggish roots and its recent
Lincolnian past. Lewis Gould, McKinley’s biographer, reports that the “Whiggish
heritage of the Republicans made them suspicious of a strong executive; a
powerful Congress was the appropriate vehicle for their nationalism.” In the
end, McKinley turned out to be another strong president in the mold of Lincoln
or Cleveland. In the process, he laid the foundations of the modern presidency,
anticipating many innovations associated more today with Theodore Roosevelt.
Gould further observes, “Imperceptibly...
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26 Theodore Roosevelt
26 Theodore
Roosevelt
(pp.
238-245)
Theodore
Roosevelt assumed the presidency on September 14, 1901, after the assassination
of McKinley. The take-charge style that would become the hallmark of his
administration did not appear right away. Roosevelt held his first cabinet
meeting on September 20, during which he immediately asked all members of
McKinley’s cabinet to stay on and received reports on the varied business of
their departments. Secretary of State John Hay, who had worked for Lincoln and
been close to Garfield, was devastated when his friend McKinley became the
third president to fall to an assassin. He tried to resign, but Roosevelt asked
him...
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27 William H. Taft
27 William H.
Taft
(pp.
246-252)
William Howard
Taft’s view of presidential power was considerably more modest than Theodore
Roosevelt’s; as Taft’s biographer Paolo E. Coletta observes, Taft did not at
all follow Roosevelt’s practice of appealing “over the head of Congress to the
people.”¹ Taft attacked the stewardship theory as “an unsafe doctrine,” and he
disagreed with Roosevelt’s view that “the Executive is charged with
responsibility for the welfare of all the people in a general way, that he is
to play the part of a Universal Providence and set all things right, and that
anything that in his judgment will help the people he...
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28 Woodrow Wilson
28 Woodrow
Wilson
(pp.
253-260)
Presidential
support for the unitary executive continued during the administration of
Woodrow Wilson. That Wilson emerged as a major champion of presidential power
came as something of a surprise. His doctoral thesis, which became a well-known
and widely acclaimed 1885 book entitledCongressional Government, remains one of
the classic endorsements of parliamentary government. Written in the wake of
the series of relatively weak presidents that had been dominated by the Reconstruction
Congresses,Congressional Governmentdismisses the presidency as a weak office,
concerned with “mereadministration,” the chief executive reduced to little more
than “the first official of a carefully-graded and...
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29 Warren G. Harding
29 Warren G.
Harding
(pp.
261-264)
The presidency
of Warren Harding is consistently ranked as one of the worst, if nottheworst,
in our nation’s history.¹ Indeed, Harding was well aware of his own
shortcomings, having once admitted to Columbia University’s president that “I
am not fit for this office and should never have been here.”² A congenial man
who abjured conflict, Harding was by nature most comfortable remaining outside
the fray and conciliating divergent interests. This outlook made him deeply
suspicious of strong presidential power, which he believed could only lead to
troubled relations with Congress, as it had during the Wilson administration.
As...
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30 Calvin Coolidge
30 Calvin
Coolidge
(pp.
265-272)
Warren Harding’s
death elevated Calvin Coolidge to the presidency. A reticent man who reflected
many of the values of his rural New England roots, “Silent Cal” was the
antithesis of the activist president. Indeed, Walter Lippmann reported that his
“political genius . . . was his talent for effectively doing nothing.”¹
Coolidge’s
reluctance to assume national leadership or to impose his will on Congress did
not, however, translate into reluctance to defend the president’s prerogatives.
Coolidge was more than willing to fight to assert the president’s sole right to
control the execution of the federal laws. For instance, the degree...
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31 Herbert Hoover
31 Herbert
Hoover
(pp.
273-277)
Herbert Hoover
reached the White House after lengthy service as secretary of commerce and
labor to Presidents Harding and Coolidge. Although Hoover shared Coolidge’s
reticence about interfering with the prerogatives of Congress, that reticence
did not stop him from continuing his predecessors’ defense of the president’s
authority to execute the law. In fact, his opposition to infringements on the
unitariness of the executive branch began long before his inauguration. While a
member of the Coolidge administration, Hoover had questioned the constitutional
propriety of conferring executive powers upon independent agencies, arguing
that “there should be single-headed responsibility in executive and
administrative...
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32 Franklin Delano Roosevelt
32 Franklin
Delano Roosevelt
(pp.
278-290)
The scope of
presidential power exploded during the presidency of Franklin Delano Roosevelt.
One of the first critical issues facing FDR when he assumed office on March 4,
1933, was how to deal with the crisis of the Great Depression. What followed
was a burst of activity during the first hundred days of his administration
that was the quintessence of “executive energy rapidly applied.” Roosevelt augmented
his formal legislative program with weekly press conferences and regular
national radio addresses, which would later become known as fireside chats.
Although he offered few definitive statements on the issue, his aggressive
actions to...
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CASE STUDY 3 The Brownlow Committee and the
Reorganization Act of 1939
CASE STUDY 3 The
Brownlow Committee and the Reorganization Act of 1939
(pp. 291-302)
The event during
the Roosevelt administration with the greatest significance for the unitary
executive was the debate over the Brownlow Committee’s proposal to reorganize
the executive branch, which, as Elena Kagan has pointed out, “established the
infrastructure underlying all subsequent attempts by the White House to
supervise administrative policy.”¹ When Roosevelt announced his intention to
reorganize the executive branch in January 1937, few expected that he would
face significant opposition. Politically, Roosevelt seemed almost invincible.
His recent Electoral College landslide appeared to be a ringing endorsement of
both his leadership and his New Deal policies. By 1937, the need for...
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Part VII The
Unitary Executive During the Modern Era, 1945–2007
[Part VII Introduction]
[Part VII
Introduction]
(pp.
303-304)
We now examine
the presidencies during the fourth half-century of our constitutional history
to see the views expressed by presidents from Harry Truman to George W. Bush
regarding the scope of the president’s power to execute the law. The years 1945
to 2007 represent a particularly interesting period in the constitutional
history of presidential power. The executive branch that emerges during the
second half of the twentieth century is a mammoth operation that dwarfs the
scale of administration during the time of George Washington. Indeed, the size
of the modern federal bureaucracy far exceeds even the burgeoning
administrative state that...
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33 Harry S Truman
33 Harry S
Truman
(pp.
305-317)
Harry S Truman
succeeded Franklin D. Roosevelt as president at a time when the world was
consumed by war. Fortunately, as Truman’s biographer Donald R. McCoy points
out, his character “enabled him to make much of his on-the-job training as
president. He was brisk, decisive, direct, industrious, practical, and tough.”
Truman “exercised command vigorously,” and he gets high marks as “a supremely
tough, decisive leader” who from the start was completely in control of his
entire administration.¹ David McCullough reports that upon being sworn into
office, Truman made clear to the members of Roosevelt’s cabinet that “he
welcomed their advice....
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34 Dwight D. Eisenhower
34 Dwight D.
Eisenhower
(pp.
318-330)
In sharp
contrast to Franklin D. Roosevelt and Harry S Truman, Dwight D. Eisenhower did
not aspire to be an activist president. As a career soldier, he considered it
his duty to remain above politics, and he consistently strove to operate behind
the scenes when guiding national policy. As his biographers Chester J. Pach Jr.
and Elmo Richardson observe, “At a time of widespread discontent with the
‘imperial presidency,’ restraint in the exercise of presidential power looked
far more attractive than it had a decade earlier.” The general consensus of
historians, however, is that Eisenhower “only appeared to be a...
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35 John F. Kennedy
35 John F.
Kennedy
(pp.
331-336)
John F. Kennedy
viewed himself as a strong, active president “in the Democratic tradition of
Woodrow Wilson, Franklin D. Roosevelt, and Harry S. Truman.”¹ He wrote before
becoming president, “When the Executive fails to lead . . . it leaves a vacuum
that the Legislative branch is ill-equipped to fill.” In his criticism, he
“charged the executive branch with having had a ‘failure of nerve.’ . . . The
key words were challenges, vigorous, fight, and the need for a president ready
to ‘exercise the fullest powers of his office.’”² Kennedy’s splendid inaugural
address immediately demonstrated his talent for using...
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36 Lyndon B. Johnson
36 Lyndon B.
Johnson
(pp.
337-345)
Anyone familiar
with Lyndon Johnson’s legendary personality would have little doubt that he
would be a strong chief executive. That said, Johnson ascended to the
presidency under extraordinarily difficult conditions, having to succeed a
charismatic leader who, after capturing the imagination of the country, died
under tragic circumstances. Having sworn to continue Kennedy’s vision, Johnson
inherited a fully staffed executive branch to which he could not make
significant changes without seeming to abandon Kennedy’s legacy. For instance,
in order to associate his antipoverty campaign with Kennedy, Johnson appointed
Kennedys brother-in-law, Sargent Shriver, to head the War on Poverty. In
what...
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37 Richard M. Nixon
37 Richard M.
Nixon
(pp.
346-355)
Richard M. Nixon
came to the presidency with a deep admiration for the system of cabinet
governance that he thought had prevailed during the Eisenhower administration.
His initial plan was to let department heads run their programs quite
independently, while he concentrated on foreign policy. But, during his
five-year tenure in office, he in fact appointed thirty cabinet heads, breaking
the old record held by Ulysses S. Grant, and the median length of tenure of
cabinet secretaries fell from forty months to eighteen. Nixon was not afraid to
make removals, as the frequent turnover in his cabinet secretaries illustrates.
Indeed,...
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38 Gerald R. Ford
38 Gerald R.
Ford
(pp.
356-361)
When Gerald R.
Ford came to the White House, he had every reason to expect that he would be
hard pressed to defend the prerogatives of the executive branch, given that
Watergate had effectively destroyed public confidence in the presidency.
Moreover, having never run for national office, Ford lacked the mandate and the
broad base of political support needed for vigorous presidential action. More
than any other post–World War II president, Ford could have been expected to
acquiesce in congressionally imposed invasions on the unitariness of the
executive branch. Instead, aided by his assistant attorney general for the
Office...
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39 Jimmy Carter
39 Jimmy Carter
(pp.
362-373)
The
administration of Jimmy Carter almost certainly represents the nadir of
presidential power in the post–World War II era. Unable to articulate a clear
vision for the country and beset by the oil and Iranian hostage crises, Carter
proved ill suited to assume the strong leadership role taken by many of his
predecessors.¹ His political weaknesses, however, did not translate into a
willingness to allow control over the execution of the law to be transferred
from the White House to Capitol Hill. On the contrary, in spite of its other
problems, the Carter administration appears for the most part...
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40 Ronald Reagan
40 Ronald Reagan
(pp.
374-383)
The inauguration
of Ronald Reagan marked the nation’s reemergence from its post-Watergate
malaise and a major turning point in the balance of power between the president
and Congress over the administration of the law. Both the Reagan
administration’s supporters and its critics generally considered the defense of
the unitary executive a key part of Reagan’s policy program.¹ As Charles Fried,
Reagan’s solicitor general, has written, “The Reagan Administration had a
vision about the arrangement of government power: the authority and
responsibility of the President should be clear and unitary. The Reagan years
were distinguished by the fact that that vision...
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41 George H. W. Bush
41 George H. W.
Bush
(pp. 384-390)
More than almost
any other president besides William Howard Taft, George Herbert Walker Bush
staunchly defended the unitariness of the executive branch.¹ Bush was a
vigorous, hands-on leader, and his attention to detail was appreciated by the
public after concerns in Ronald Reagan’s later years over his inattention to
detail. Bush’s biographer John Robert Greene reports, “Despite Americans’
latent affection for Ronald Reagan, long before 1988 they had become troubled
with his hands-off, detached approach to presidential leadership. In George
Bush they found Reagan’s polar opposite. Bush’s style of executive leadership
was characterized by indefatigable energy. Indeed the words ‘energetic’...
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42 Bill Clinton
42 Bill Clinton
(pp.
391-399)
Although Bill
Clinton has emerged as one of the most controversial presidents of the twentieth
century,¹ all agree that Clinton’s intelligence and knowledge of policymaking
details are very impressive. As Elena Kagan has shown, Clinton was a master at
asserting presidential control over the executive branch of the government,
including the independent agencies.² Joe Klein, Clinton’s biographer, notes
that the president’s ability awed his staff, because of “Clinton’s
intelligence—particularly, his encyclopedic knowledge of policy questions—his
perseverance and his ability to charm almost anyone under any circumstances; he
was, without question, the most talented politician of his generation. At...
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CASE STUDY 4 The Clinton Impeachment and the Fall of
the Ethics in Government Act
CASE STUDY 4 The
Clinton Impeachment and the Fall of the Ethics in Government Act
(pp.
400-404)
The Clinton
years also witnessed one of the most climactic moments in the history of the
unitary executive: the demise of the Ethics in Government Act (EIGA) and the
institution of court-appointed independent counsels. This demise began when
Clinton directed Attorney General Janet Reno to investigate allegations of
improper conduct regarding the Arkansas Whitewater Development Corporation.
Because the EIGA had lapsed at the end of the Bush administration thanks to the
first President Bush’s constitutionally motivated veto threats, Reno invoked
her authority under Justice Department regulations to appoint Robert Fiske, a
moderate Republican and prominent member of the New York...
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43 George W. Bush
43 George W.
Bush
(pp.
405-416)
We complete our
chronicle of the unitary executive by offering a few observations about the
presidency of George W. Bush. Obviously, the full history of the current
administration has yet to be written, but given the importance of recent events
to the historical narrative of the battle between the president and Congress
for control over the administration of federal law, it seems appropriate to
offer a brief discussion of some of the major events that occurred during
President Bush’s first seven years in office. As we noted in the Introduction,
the Bush administration has attempted at times to invoke the...
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Part VIII
Conclusion
[Part VIII Conclusion]
[Part VIII
Conclusion]
(pp.
417-432)
Now that we are
done with our review of the practices of all forty-three presidents, from
George Washington to George W. Bush, we can weigh the claim that is often made
that the theory of the unitary executive is foreclosed by the sweep of history.
As we said in the Introduction, we weigh this claim as departmentalists who
believe in three-branch constitutional interpretation, of the kind defended
inThe Federalist No. 49and endorsed by Thomas Jefferson, Andrew Jackson,
Abraham Lincoln, Franklin D. Roosevelt, Ronald Reagan, and a veritable all-star
list of constitutional scholars. Departmentalism holds that Congress and the...
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Notes
Notes
(pp.
433-510)
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Bibliographic Note
Bibliographic
Note
(pp.
511-516)
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Index
Index
(pp.
517-544)
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Parte inferior do formulário
Referências
https://youtu.be/MVlOCJl9i-U
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https://youtu.be/MVlOCJl9i-U
https://espalhafactos.com/2019/02/17/vice-cuidado-com-o-homem-silencioso/
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https://youtu.be/jO3GsRQO0dM
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https://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctt1nq9nc
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